Mass Murder in the Covid Era: The Continuation of Imperialism in ‘The Middle of a Deadly Pandemic’

[Image from the Army recruitment office in Birmingham City Centre]


Western governments have been obsessively pushing the narrative that Covid-19 is an extremely dangerous pathogen that is killing millions of people worldwide. People who do not agree with this official narrative have been demonised as murderers. However, Western governments’ policies of killing innocent people abroad have continued unabated despite the alleged ‘deadly pandemic’. Destruction of vital infrastructure such as hospitals and the creation of refugees could only inflame a real pandemic. This continuing imperialist murder in itself thus belies the entire Covid Narrative.


There are multiple countries in which the US and their allies are continuing a murderous foreign policy. I will start, however, by addressing Afghanistan, as according to the official narrative, the US government ‘ended the war in Afghanistan’ by withdrawing and allowing the Taliban to take over from the US backed government in Kabul.

Even on the official narrative, however, this withdrawal did not take place until mid-2021. In other words, over a year into the alleged ‘deadliest pandemic in a century’. Even according to the official logic, killing people in Afghanistan was fine while people in the West were under lockdowns to ‘save lives’.

And yes, the US government was continuing to murder civilians. On August 29 the US government carried out a drone strike in which 10 civilians were killed. This included a 3-year-old girl.


The mass murder of civilians in Yemen has been policy for several years. Saudi Arabia is waging war on the country, with assistance (such as selling weapons and being part of Saudi control centres) from the US and UK governments.

In fact, certain actions taken during the Yemen war have been designed to spread pathogens. According to a study published by the NIH:

The Yemen cholera outbreak has been driven by years of conflict and has now [December 2018] become the largest in epidemiologically recorded history with more than 1.2 million cases since the beginning of the outbreak in April, 2017. 

This hasn’t stopped the coalition bombing cholera treatment centres, however:

A military coalition formally led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and supported by the United States and Britain, bombed a newly constructed cholera treatment in Yemen on Monday, June 11.

The bombing of Yemen has continued throughout the Covid 19 ‘pandemic’. There are multiple examples of this continuing warfare.

This article from November 2021, for example:

This week, dozens of people were killed and injured near the Yemen-Saudi border when U.S.-made warplanes and French-made howitzer cannons fired unabated on many populated border areas in Sadaa and Hajjah — including the Monabeh, Sahar, alSafra, al-Dhaher and Sheda areas. Samer Manea Ali Hussein, a 15-year-old Yemeni boy, was killed along with others on Monday when a French-made howitzer cannon hit a village in the Monabeh region, one of Yemen’s border areas that are subjected to daily bombardment.

Whereas this article highlights the fact that the US is still supporting Saudi bombing campaigns in 2021:

“The United States continues to provide maintenance support to Saudi Arabia’s Air Force given the critical role it plays in Saudi air defense and our longstanding security partnership,” a Pentagon spokesperson told Vox over the weekend.

The maintenance is done through the Pentagon’s Foreign Military Sales program, which means Saudi Arabia pays the US to provide contractors that can maintain the warplanes.


Another conflict that is still ongoing is that in Syria. The US government has been trying for 10 years to remove Assad from power using proxy forces in Syria. These forces are Islamist extremists who want to impose a Islamist society on secular Syria.

The terrorist forces in Syria have inflicted terrible suffering on Syrian civilians, and Western governments have imposed sanctions which have inflicted further suffering. Many of these sanctions have affected the medical system and the health of the population:

Sanctions have, as I wrote last December, impacted Syria’s ability to import medicines or the raw materials needed to manufacture them, medical equipment, and machines and materials needed to manufacture prosthetic limbs, among other things.

Syria reports that the latest sanctions are already preventing civilians from acquiring “imported drugs, especially antibiotics, as some companies have withdrawn their licenses granted to drug factories,” due to the sanctions.

US troops have continued to maintain an illegal presence in Syria despite the clear opposition of the Assad government and Syrian people to this occupation.

In 2018, Whitney Webb wrote that:

Currently, the U.S. occupies nearly a third of Syrian territory — around 30 percent — including much of the area east of the Euphrates River, encompassing large swaths of the Deir Ezzor, Al-Hasakah and Raqqa regions.

According to this article at least 900 troops remain in Syria as of July 2021. According to the official narrative this is to support the Syrian Democratic Forces fighting ISIS. (In reality the SDF is simply another US proxy designed to weaken and Balkanise Syria). These troops have been accused of plundering resources by the Syrian government (as they happen to be conveniently occupying the areas of Syria that have the most oil).

Israel has also been repeatedly bombing Syria, for example this airstrike in Homs that killed 2 civilians and injured 6 members of the Syrian Arab Army. They are also continuing their presence in the Golan Heights which they have been illegally occupying since 1967.


The criminal actions against the Palestinian people by the US backed Israeli government have been happening for decades and are continuing to happen during the alleged pandemic.

For example, in July 2021, the Israeli armed forces attacked Al-Aqsa mosque, an extremely significant site in Islam:

Heavily armed Israeli occupation police forces, making way for illegal settler extremists to storm the site, violently removed Palestinian worshippers from the al-Aqsa mosque compound. The Israeli forces shot tear gas and rubber bullets, as well as other munitions, at elderly worshippers during prayer and proceeded to violently assault unarmed women.

Israeli settler violence has continued, as well as the expansion of settlements.

So What Does This Mean for the Official Covid Narrative?

The continuation of mass murder abroad fatally undermines the Official Covid Narrative. The elite reasons for lockdown were allegedly to keep the population ‘safe from a deadly virus’. Now, the elites are clearly not very concerned about the deaths from a deadly virus among those in Yemen, Afghanistan, and other countries they have continued to bomb and sanction. The Western countries – despite claiming to be spending all their efforts and resources upon ‘fighting Covid-19’ – clearly still have a large amount of resources left over to bomb and kill people abroad.

It goes further than this, however. Their narrative that ‘no-one is safe until all of us are safe’ – referring to the necessity for the whole population of the world to be ‘vaccinated’ against Covid-19 – is in complete contradiction to their actions in places such as Yemen. Destruction of hospital infrastructure and sanctions make it much for difficult to carry out the (in the eyes of the establishment) necessary ‘vaccination’ programs to ensure that we are all ‘safe from the deadly pandemic’. And the fact that Yemen or Syria are far away countries isn’t relevant either – what with the racist fearmongering about ‘variants emerging in India/Africa where people aren’t vaccinated’. If ‘no one is safe until everyone is safe’ why is medical infrastructure in Yemen being destroyed?

The imperialist wars in the Middle East (as well as the previous destruction of Libya) also fuel migration crises. While the governments of the West were putting their populations under house arrest because going out ‘spreads the virus’ they were forcing people to flee their homes due to bombings, thus, on their own narrative, spreading the virus.


There have been no significant changes to the murderous imperialist foreign policy due to the Covid-19 ‘pandemic’. The Covid-19 narrative has been used as a shield to hide these foreign policy decisions by distracting the public. The continuing bombings and sanctions, however, are clear evidence that the elite does not care about the health of the population.

A Critical Assessment of the Feminist Case for Occupying Afghanistan


Official narratives coming from the White House and media are stating that American president Joe Biden is fully withdrawing troops from Afghanistan and ending the 20 year war on the country. Many neoconservative pundits are condemning this decision and essentially arguing for permanent occupation. However, another group not associated with neoconservative ideology have also been advancing an argument for the essentially permanent occupation of Afghanistan: feminists. This article will offer a critical assessment of the feminist case for the occupation of Afghanistan.

What is the Feminist Case for Occupation?

Many feminists are making the case that Afghanistan needs to continue to be occupied by Western military forces in order ‘to protect women and girls from the Taliban’. While this commentary is common among war hawks, some individuals who are critical of the mainstream (at least in some respects) are also making this argument.

One example is Marianne Williamson, a critic of some elements of the establishment who nevertheless ran in the Democratic Party Primary in 2019-2020. She posted the following on Twitter, referring to the situation in Afghanistan.

Tolerance of systemic violence against women can’t be justified in the name of anti-imperialism, helping other human beings isn’t “a savior complex,” and leaving the most powerless & desperate people to fend for themselves in the hour of their agony isn’t political sophistication

This kind of sentiment is common among feminist and gender critical accounts, many of whom are anonymous. I am going to discuss three key problems with this argument: historical ignorance, whitewashing war crimes, and reinforcing misleading official narratives.

Problem #1: Historical Ignorance

The first problem with this argument is that it ignores historical context, and particularly the role the West has played in undermining women’s rights in Afghanistan.

On the 27th April 1978, there was a political change of power in Afghanistan, known as the Saur Revolution. This brought left wing groups to power, and they sought sweeping changes to the way Afghan society functioned. One of the ways in which they did this was to get rid of misogynistic laws and to create a more equal legal basis for women.

However, the West opposed the Saur Revolution, because it was a leftist government that would prevent future imperialist exploitation of the country. They sought to destroy this government. They also wanted to bait the Soviet Union into military intervention there and thus create the ‘Soviet Vietnam’ – which would squander Soviet resources and bog them down in an unwinnable conflict.

The US decided to do this by funding reactionary Islamist fighters called the Mujahideen. This CIA operation was known as ‘Operation Cyclone’. The Mujahideen has the same ideology as the Taliban – reactionary, misogynistic, homophobic, and demanding compliance to Islamic law. Not only do they have the same ideology, but some of the same individuals:

Notably, the Taliban’s own top negotiator of this new [Trump] “peace” deal, Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanekzai, was among those trained and armed as part of the Mujahideen force created during Operation Cyclone.

The fact that Western countries were more than willing to support Islamic fundamentalism when it suited them geopolitically demonstrates that the idea of promoting women’s rights is a Western fraud.

Problem #2: Whitewashing Western War Crimes

The feminist case for occupation of Afghanistan also has has an (implicit) tenet that Western intervention is basically benign. This ignores the reality of war crimes committed in Afghanistan. This narrative essentially erases the war crimes from existence.

We know about the multitude of offenses committed by Western troops and companies in Afghanistan due to the Afghan war logs and US diplomatic cables, material leaked by whistleblower Chelsea Manning to Wikileaks journalist Julian Assange.

This information showed the reality of the war, and its unwelcome disclosure led to the imprisonment and torture of Manning and Assange.

Let’s look at some examples. One crime that was discovered thanks to the disclosure of these documents involved the Dyncorp corporation. The business had helped arrange ‘dancing boys’ for Afghan warlords – meaning underage boys to be raped by these warlords as part of Afghan traditional practices.

The Afghan puppet government was concerned about the exposure of this fact, as the cable refers to the ‘Kunduz Dyncorp problem’.

On the Kunduz Regional Training Center (RTC) DynCorp event of April 11 (reftel), Atmar reiterated his insistence that the U.S. try to quash any news article on the incident or circulation of a video connected with it. He continued to predict that publicity would “endanger lives.” He disclosed that he has arrested two Afghan police and nine other Afghans as part of an MoI investigation into Afghans who facilitated this crime of “purchasing a service from a child.” 

This is far from the only crime perpetrated in Afghanistan. Here is one example that involved the Polish contingent:

The day centered around consequence management plans and actions regarding the PBG [Polish Battle Group] mortar incident in Waza Kwah (Naghar Khel village) yesterday evening which killed 6 LN [Local Nationals] and wounded 3 LN. A detailed report is in the Political section.

The detailed report goes on to clarify that 4 of the people killed were children. When addressed, the village said:

The crowd was flabbergasted at how the CF [Coalition Forces] could fire on a village with women, children and old men without cause (i.e. no fire coming from the village) using mortars in an attempt to hit Taliban insurgents instead of coming up to the village and questioning the owners on the presence of insurgents.

This is just one example of civilians being killed during this conflict.

Problem #3: Failing to Question the Official Narrative

Uncritically believing what the mainstream media reports is a terrible idea, given that they twist the truth on any and every topic.

The first point that can be raised regarding official narratives is that the argument that ‘we need to remain in Afghanistan to protect the women and girls’ is itself an official narrative. A CIA document, leaked to Wikileaks, about shoring up support for war in France and Germany states that:

Afghan women could serve as ideal messengers in humanizing the ISAF role in combating the Taliban because of women’s ability to speak personally and credibly about their experiences under the Taliban, their aspirations for the future, and their fears of a Taliban victory. Outreach initiatives that create media opportunities for Afghan women to share their stories with French, German, and other European women could help to overcome pervasive skepticism among women in Western Europe toward the ISAF mission.

Furthermore, the way that the media presents the Afghanistan withdrawal itself is highly misleading. In an article for OffGuardian, Kit Knightly points out the continuing presence of mercenary forces in Afghanistan, and the fact that air strikes will continue. Knightly concludes:

“Private security firms” will carry out “targeted anti-terrorist operations”, or “precision strikes” will take out “known international criminals”…but no one will use the word “war”.

The US troops might be leaving the borders of Afghanistan, but the Imperial influence will remain, the corporate exploitation will continue, the fire will still fall from the sky, and there will be no peace.


The war in Afghanistan is a conflict that has always been about geopolitical and economic motivations, for example, the profits to be made from rare earth metals and opium. The framing of human rights is merely a shield for these fundamental interests. To argue that we need to remain in Afghanistan ‘to protect women and girls’ ignores those killed in Western war crimes and how the West sought to undermine women’s rights in Afghanistan, as well as uncritically affirming misleading narratives about reality on the ground.